Second Amendment Antinuclear Weapons

Go ahead, make my day.

By 1992 preemptive surrender wasn’t a thing, and the SALT treaties were wastebinned. This is the Second Amendment in action. SEE ORIGINAL

The nationwide defense debate best represented in Physics Today had by 1982 descended into plans for surrendering to the Soviet Union based on Pascal’s Wager and Ignoring Kennan’s Long Telegram.

Science advisor George Keyworth built on Sam Cohen and Edward Teller’s ideas, then stepped out of the conflict spotlight, which was taken over by William Robert Graham and Gen’l Daniel Graham. The foolishness of Robert Strange McNamara’s insane policy of mutual civilian genocide with nuclear weapons sank in after Dr. Strangelove, and Sam Cohen’s defensive strategies developed a large following–and some pro-surrender opposition. The Libertarian Defense Caucus organized by LP Presidential candidate John Hospers, Michael J Dunn, Virginia Postrel and others favored defensive weapons policies. One LDC member questioned assertions by German-American physicist Wolfgang HK Panofsky in Physics Today regarding treaties under the Constitution.

Dr Panofsky’s statement that “Nothing in the U.S Constitution dilutes the responsibility of a president to comply with existing treaties in force.” [Physics Today, June, 1985, p. 37] ought to be evaluated in light of the actual text of the Constitution itself. Section 8 of Article I of the Constitution specifies, in clause 15, that “Congress shall have the power…To provide for calling forth the militia to… repel invasions;”. Article IV, section 4 charges the United States with the responsibility to protect each of the States from invasion. Finally, Article II of the Bill of Rights guarantees that our right to “keep and bear arms”, within the context of a well regulated militia, “shall not be infringed.” While it is true that Article II of the main body of the document grants the President the power to make treaties (Section 2, clause 2), and it is also true that these treaties “shall be the supreme law of the land” (Article VI, Section 2), it is nowhere stated that this treatymaking power shall override the Bill of Rights or the main body of the Constitution. In fact, Article VI, Section 2 specifies only that the treatymaking power takes precedence over “…anything in the Constitution or laws of any STATE to the contrary notwithstanding.” (Emphasis mine). In fact, the very last clause of Section 10 in Article 1 allows the States to defend themselves if “…actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.” Nothing in the Constitution supports the conclusion that the treatymaking power is arbitrary and unlimited and supersedes all individual rights guaranteed us by the text of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. One can readily infer, however, that all arms limitation treaties which infringe on our right to have our military forces keep and bear defensive weapons of our choosing are unconstitutional and therefore illegal. This would apply specifically to the ABM treaty as well as both versions of SALT. Because I do not believe that the framers of the Constitution would have subordinated their rights or those of their countrymen and descendants to any arbitrary power, foreign or domestic; and because the legal language supporting this conclusion is clear and precise, I submit that the ABM treaty is unconstitutional and illegal.

This issue, it turns out, had been addressed by President Calvin Coolidge when Panofsky was not quite five years old. At a news conference on November 2, 1923, Coolidge tried answering a question about a prohibition-enforcement treaty with wet Great Britain changing the definition of international waters. (…) “The question here is raised as to whether this treaty would be in conflict with the Constitution or the present Volstead Law.”

Coolidge improvised an answer that reporters thought missed the point entirely, and so the press insisted:

PRESS: Mr. President, some of the editorial writers seem to think that the proposed treaty would contravene the Constitution–not the Volstead Law, but the Constitution itself. Do you believe it within the power of the government to make a treaty that would contravene the Constitution itself?
PRESIDENT COOLIDGE: Of course not. The only power the government has to make a treaty comes from the Constitution, and there wouldn’t be any question about it, for any treaty that might be made, that was contrary to the provisions of the Constitution, would be absolutely void.

Panofsky’s immediate reply, like Coolidge’s did not satisfy all readers:

J. H. Phillips raises the interesting point whether any arms-control treaty violates the Constitution of the United States. He agrees that Article VI, paragraph 2, of the Constitution states that treaties entered into by the United States preempt the constitution or laws of any state that might have contrary provisions. Indeed, the United States Constitution makes the President the Commander in Chief and gives him responsibility to conduct foreign affairs and thereby provide for the national security. Yet one must recognize that increased armaments and increased national security are by no means synonymous; in fact post-World War II history has amply demonstrated the contrary. The power of the President to negotiate treaties, even if they conflict with private rights involving arms or ownership of property, has been confirmed by numerous Supreme Court decisions.
Negotiated arms control is rightfully considered a component of the conduct of foreign affairs. According to Article VI of the Constitution, treaties are the supreme law of the land, subject only to other provisions of the Constitution. They can be modified by mutual renegotiation or abrogated unilaterally under specific provisions that provide for prior notice and invoke the supreme national interest of one of the signatories.
The specific claim by Phillips is that arms-control treaties are in conflict with the provision of Article II of the Bill of Rights that “a well-regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” No court has ever held the Second Amendment to impose any limitation on the President’s power to conduct foreign affairs, but the specific relation of arms-control treaties to Article II has, to the best of my knowledge, never been explicitly litigated. In view of the foregoing it seems to me to be patently absurd to claim that the US President and Executive Branch cannot negotiate and sign a treaty that limits weapons by all signatories if the President believes this to be in the security interest of the United States, and I see nothing in the Constitution that would prevent such a treaty from entering into force once the Senate, by a two-thirds majority, has recommended its ratification to the President and the President has then executed the instruments of ratification. The Constitution has done well in weathering the transition to the nuclear age. If Phillips were correct in his interpretation it would be a sad day indeed.

Some real attorneys were also attracted to this questioning of authority and chimed in:

The letter by J.H. Phillips and the response by Wolfgang K. H. Panofsky (April, page 90) raise interesting issues regarding the relationship between the Federal treaty-making power and the constitutional rights guaranteed by the Bill of Rights. Although both Phillips and Panofsky deal solely with issues arising under the “right of the people to keep and bear arms” provision of the Second Amendment and with alleged infringements of this “right of the people” by arms control treaties, the issues are significantly broader in scope and deserve more careful analysis. According to Panofsky, the constitutional authority of the executive branch to conduct foreign affairs extends to the power of the President to negotiate arms control treaties, and such treaties when ratified by the Senate may abrogate any provision of the Bill of Rights. Although Phillips disagrees, both Phillips and Panofsky limit their discussion to consideration of the Second Amendment in the Bill of Rights. However, there is nothing in the underlying issue that should limit the argument to the Second Amendment; rather, the issue should be treated more broadly for a better understanding. For example, it is not difficult to imagine a treaty with the following provision: Due to the utmost importance of this arms control treaty and the practical reality that it cannot be successfully implemented without mutual trust and harmonious relationships between the signatory nations, any critical or derogatory remarks, oral or written, against a signatory shall constitute a criminal offense against that signatory, and such signatory may search for and seize any offending writings, as well as punish the person making said criticism, in such manner as it deems appropriate, including trial by judge without jury in the courts of the signatory as it deems appropriate.
Of course, such a treaty would clearly abrogate the provisions of the Bill of Rights contained in Amendments I (free speech and press), IV (unreasonable search and seizure), V (due process of law), VI (right to counsel) and VII (trial by jury). But in spite of the fact that the constitutionality of treaties that conflict with the Bill of Rights has never been litigated, some obvious conclusions as to how the US Supreme Court would treat this sort of treaty can be drawn.
Moreover, that the precise issue has never been litigated does not justify Panofsky’s conclusion that it is “patently absurd” to claim that the treaty-making power cannot supersede the Bill of Rights. It is true that a treaty can override a state constitution or a state statute, but a Federal statute passed at a later date than a treaty prevails over the treaty, according to a line of US Supreme Court cases beginning with Head Money Cases, 112 US 580, 598-590 (1884). It is also well established that even Federal statutes violative of the Bill of Rights can be declared null and void by the judiciary. Thus, since Federal statutes can abrogate treaties, statutes have at least as high a dignity as treaties, and since statutes violative of the Bill of Rights can be invalidated by our courts, so can treaties.
Panofsky’s conclusion that arms control treaties can abrogate the Bill of Rights is thus, fortunately for America, clearly unwarranted. –David Caplan, NY & Richard Laumann, NJ

Panofsky of course denied having come to that conclusion, but the legalistic house of cards which Soviet weapons specialists had hoped would bluff These United States into submission came tumbling down. Soviet planners realized not even a single American State could be disarmed while the Second Amendment remained intact. The Strategic Defense Initiative grew, a German lad landed a Cessna near Red Square, and Soviet Socialist totalitarianism collapsed as entirely as German National Socialism had collapsed in May of 1945.

Having felt it on their hides...

Logarithmic decay of Communist vote, Russia

Prospects for resurrecting Soviet Communism are as hopeless as for bringing back the German National Socialism that prompted development of modern weapons in the first place. Russian voters are shrinking the communist party even faster than American voters are chipping away at the Dem & GOP kleptocracy. But the shrieking against the Second Amendment is today much shriller than in the 1980s, when gun violence was high but already eroding thanks to decreased initiation of force. Whether that–coupled with the feverish falsification of science by a tiny group of scientist-impersonators and former scientists in concerted efforts to lay an Energy-Conversion Tax on everyone except Not-Exactly-Communist China–is some sort of desperate comeback attempt by intellectuals of the looter persuasion, is unclear. After all, Republicans have published platforms for 46 years to Amend the Constitution to overturn the results of the 1972 Libertarian birth control plank–a fixation no less fanatical and hopeless.

There is, however, no question that infiltration of the Democratic Party Platform Committee by Socialists Against Buckminster Fuller Energy Slaves (and power plants in general) cost Democrats the Executive branch, both Houses of Congress, and appointments to the Judiciary, together with all associated pelf, paychecks, funding, graft and boodle. Now that Americans have notebooks and iPhones, getting them to ban electricity–even for Altruria–is as Quixotic a chimera as has ever before been dreamt up. The current war on energy is the one significant difference between the platforms published by the Dem and GOP factions of the ruling kleptocracy.

If the research that went into this article on legal questions was surprising, just imagine how surprised your competitors could be.  The author can be hired to translate materials pertinent to international legal cases involving your law office.
My other blog is usually in Portuguese.

Advertisements

Second Amendment Nuclear Weapons

Since the dawn of collectivism humankind has engaged in biological, chemical and conventional warfare. The bloodiest wars have always been between collectives that believed almost the same thing. Union versus Confederacy, Christians v. Jews, Protestants v. Catholics, Mohammedans v. Christians, Communists v. National Socialists… these mystical hatreds underlie the deadliest wars of recent millennia. These international wars are all gone now.

Chemical weapons were gasped at in 1916 because they made young men appreciate the 13th Amendment–the one that outlawed involuntary servitude. American conscripts were ordered to shoulder clumsy arms and march into louse-ridden foreign trenches to save the Federal Reserve banks from war loan defaults after Russian communists quit the opium war. The war stopped efforts to use the Hague to curb heroin dumping, so it was a war to make Bayer Great Again–at least in Germany. American youths faced with the prospect of being sprayed like cockroaches in those foreign trenches might prefer imprisonment in support of the 13th Amendment. That’s the Amendment where the Supreme Court “could not see” the military draft as coercive, but COULD cancel the First Amendment right to hand out copies of Amendments from the Bill of Rights. Being blown to bits in distant trenches to protect the French opium regie in Vietnam or morphine acetylizing plants in Marseilles or Scotland was different from being gassed. High explosives were ‘murrican! Artillery shells were okay to politicians on the Republican and Democrat sides of the aisle. Poison gas, however, was baaad. Germs and nukes are also baaad, perhaps because they might muss the hair of the politicians and lobbyists who order attacks. That kind of hair-mussing is “mass destruction.” 

So it was that things muddled along until a nuclear physicist named Sam Cohen worked out ways to make small H-bombs allocate less energy to explosive force and more energy to the production of neutrons. Sam found that neutrons could penetrate an incoming warhead and cause a premature chain reaction to melt an incoming bomb. Neutron-induced chemical reactions in the lensed explosive jacket could likewise be counted on to damage those enemy bombs. Sam Cohen briefed then-candidate Ronald Reagan on this class of weapons and how they might be deployed.

To Soviet military planners this was really bad news. Fighter pilots could not be trusted with enough fuel to cross borders. A Soviet pilot with plenty of fuel could defect and exchange the plane for a good reception from immigration authorities. Bombers and submarines presented that same vexing problem, plus the possibility their crews might nuke the Politburo or Soviet military installations instead of their intended victims.

Intercontinental ballistic missiles were naturally the communist weapon of choice. Fire them off and relax, with no chance of human meddling–until Ronald Reagan as President realized that Sam Cohen’s neutron bombs could cook those incoming ballistic warheads on their simple and predictable paths. Stinger missiles were doing pretty much that to Soviet helicopters in Afghanistan. To Soviet partisans, a way had to be found to stop America’s militias from keeping and bearing arms that could intercept and ruin incoming nuclear missiles.

The Anti-Ballistic Missile treaty was the first such attempt, signed by Quaker Prohibitionist President Richard Nixon. Nixon was promptly ousted, but Soviet Socialists pushed Strategic Arms Limitation talks for a SALT treaty to really disarm These Sovereign United States. Debates in Physics Today were, in 1982, discussions of the virtues of preemptive surrender to communist regimes. That changed in 1986, with the possibility that any such treaty might infringe the right of the people to keep and bear arms. That right to bear arms is in the Second Amendment, in the Bill of Rights–a thing that makes These States different from all the ancien régimes of Europe and Asia and their colonies in Africa and Latin America.

What happened next changed the Cold War. Stay tuned…

When the need arises for translations involving nuclear energy in South American or African Portuguese, look me up.

Prohibition, murder and poisoning

Religious bigotry has been declining for decades, but with lobbyists distorting the mixed economy, legalized coercion is harder to eradicate, and directed verdicts put murderers right back on the streets.

Thousands of Americans–and a few Canadians and Mexicans–were murdered during prohibition, most by religious fanatics not very different from the ones now banning beer in the Medieval Middle East. Government bureaucrats ordered alcohol poisoned with methanol, which causes permanent blindness in those not killed outright. Methodist Board of Temperance, Prohibition, and Public Morals spokesmen invariably came forward to praise these killings as justified. The law, after all, is “the” law.

"...building a new race"

Meeting of Christian Altruists

The Jamaica Ginger remedy contained alcohol, but also tricresyl phosphate, which caused permanent paralysis of legs and feet. This too was viewed as a sort of Divine Retribution. Hunter’s Civic Biology–the 1914 textbook banned in Tennessee for explaining the Evolution of the Species in 1925–was steeped in prohibitionist pseudoscience.  Racial eugenics by compulsion to the extent possible was its primary message. The alternative? A degenerate race, and race suicide of the white Caucasians, the crown of Creation.  This may be what President Herbert Hoover meant when in his inaugural speech he bragged that “We are building a new race…” After all, Hoover was a great fan of Theodore Roosevelt, who in 1902 urged American women to reproduce against their will. Teddy was concerned about:

fundamental virtues, for the practice of the strong, racial qualities without which there can be no strong races—the qualities of courage and resolution in both men and women, of scorn of what is mean, base and selfish, of eager desire to work or fight or suffer as the case may be provided the end to be gained is great enough, and the contemptuous putting aside of mere ease, mere vapid pleasure, mere avoidance of toil and worry.

German National Socialists, whom President Hoover’s Moratorium on Brains helped rearm (by sparing them from repayment of war reparations), were also keen on coercive eugenics and the altruistic trappings of race suicide theories. Yet here we are in the 21st Century, caught in shouting matches between Christian National Socialists eager to ban birth control and other socialists less pious but no less coercive in their vision of the proper role of government. Both of these communo-fascist variants of Socialism share a deep desire to resort to the initiation of deadly force in their efforts to make the world a “better” place.

The Libertarian Party is fielding some 800 candidates this election, all of them committed to voting for alternatives that do NOT rely on the initiation of deadly force in order to make the world a better place.  Every libertarian vote helps repeal laws that coerce women and other individuals. We are growing, and both of the 19th Century Left&Right parties dedicated to European religious autocracies and concentration-camp dictatorships are shrinking.

This has been a Portugueseinterpreter‘s recommendation that a vote for peace and freedom might make the world a better place.  Brazilian website is Speakwrite and our other language blog for Expatriates is Amigra.

Orwell and no Libertarian Party

There are ominous parallels between “The Last Man in Europe” (published as “1984”) and “Homage to Catalonia,” which recounted Orwell’s struggles as a militiaman in the Marxist Unification Workers’ Party militia fighting christian fascism (El caudillo de Dios) in Spain. Back before there was any such thing as an aggression-rejecting Libertarian Party, intellectuals had to side with either International or National Socialism. There was no way out of that universe-of-discourse dilemma. Writer Henry Miller was one of the rare famous libertarians rejecting the entire false dichotomy, to Orwell’s shock and dismay. Ayn Rand’s “We the Living and “Anthem” and were published in 1936 and 1938, but Orwell managed to ignore her somehow.

Richard Gere look-alike

Henry Miller

Orwell contrasts Henry Miller’s Tropic of Cancer with a book by Louis-Ferdinand Céline, which was a “protest against the horror and meaninglessness of modern life–actually, indeed, of LIFE.” But Miller’s book “is the book of a man who is happy.” In 1936 Miller “felt no interest in the Spanish war whatever. He merely told me [Orwell] in forcible terms that to go to Spain at that moment was the act of an idiot.”

So what is fascism? Trotsky’s pamphlet offers nothing resembling a definition. Orwell, faced with the same question, likewise produced no definition. Instead, Orwell in 1944 also spouted gibberish to justify evading an objective definition certain to enrage religious fanatics:

“To say why would take too long, but basically it is because it is impossible to define Fascism satisfactorily without making admissions which neither the Fascists themselves, nor the Conservatives, nor Socialists of any colour, are willing to make.” –Orwell, What is Fascism? 1944

Yet the closer one looks at German National Socialism and Spanish, Vichy & Italian fascism, the more their definition converges on simplicity itself:

Fascism, (n.) Religious socialism.

Mussolini signed a treaty with the Pope to bring religious indoctrination into government school classrooms. Franco’s own posters described him as el “Caudillo de Dios,” saluted by the kiddies, and Adolf Hitler–painter of churches, Jesus and Madonnas–passed up no opportunity to exploit Christian altruism as a vehicle for demonizing “selfishness,” meaning all things Jewish and/or laissez-faire (meaning liberal).

Death to godless commies!

God’s Own Dictator!

During the Spanish revolution, Orwell reported, a sign of anti-religious “leftist” sentiment was the chiseling of religious symbols off of gravestones at the local graveyard. Yet Orwell shied from openly mentioning religiosity as the crucial difference in the late thirties or early forties.

By the 1970s, fans of Robert Heinlein and Ayn Rand were forming the Libertarian Party as an alternative to linear, anti-life ideologies so popular among Europeans. The first Libertarian platform included a plank the Supreme Court copied as its Roe v Wade decision striking down ku klux Comstock laws. Soon politics changed from a one-dementional line to a two-dimensional plane representing the four states available where there are two separate binary switches.

To those who, like King Solomon, recognize freedom from coercion as an indivisible whole, there is no real left or right. Both labels are the result of an assumption that freedom can safely be divided by having the right people commit just enough violence to make things better, provided their motives are altruistic. Whether such credulity is prompted by fear or hatred is irrelevant, for wherever it exists a skilled bipartisan persuader can convince both kinds of altruists that they AND their adversaries are both right, and then increase how much violent coercion is “just enough.”

This has happened in Germany, Austria, Italy, Rumania, Russia and its satellites, Japan, China, Burma, India, Vietnam, Cambodia, Brazil, Chile, Argentina, Peru, Venezuela and Ecuador, all mohammedan countries and most African nations at one time or another. All of them started by assuming freedom could be “cut” with just the right amount of coercive aggression, then increased that amount until totalitarian rule became established. Observe that ALL totalitarians criticize as “anarchic” anything that offers more freedom than their armed goons have orders to tolerate. The best hedge against the abyss of totalitarianism is a functioning Libertarian Party.

Should the need arise for legal, contractual or historic translation Orwellian in its attention to detail, drop us a line or visit Speakwrite.

 

Anarchism in practice

Socialist collectivist attacks socialist mystic


Anarchism before publication of the Libertarian Platform

Before 1972, everybody on the planet understood clearly that anarchism is a communist theory embraced by persons to whom the world owes a living. Anarchists naturally rely on the deception, coercion and deadly violence used in the collection of taxes as well as legitimate debts.

With fewer than 4000 votes the Libertarian Party prompted secular looters to change their definition of “anarchism” and extended to pregnant women in These United States and Dominions the protection of individual rights against mystical Dixiecrat depredations. To George Wallace supporters the LP was clearly a nest of cleverly disguised commie atheists pressing for the racial suicide of white folks and obstruction of the Comstock Laws. Why? Because Ayn Rand–whose writings inspired the formation of the party–was completely non-superstitious–therefore a communist. After all, she even sounded Russian!

Individual rights baaad!

LP plank as Supreme Court decision

The problem was how to keep the Libertarian Party option out of the sight of voters. Republican and Democratic soft machines had dealt with competition from communist anarchists back before socialism was associated with gulags, Siberia, mass starvation, censorship, concentration camps, firing squads, Auschwitz, Treblinka, Sobibór, Nowogrodek… Back in 1936 socialism and anarchism were associated with the fictional writings of the likes of London, Bellamy,  Steinbeck, Howells, Goldman, Goebbels and Hitler–none of them Republicans or Democrats. To guard against spoiler votes that might confuse the voters, the 1936 party faithful used the violence of local election laws to neutralize their socialist-anarchist competitors.

Our hands are tied!

The law is the law, sorry…

Richard Nixon’s 1971 tweaking of the tax code had made tax money available for suppression of libertarian candidates.  The media understood there was money on the table for anyone equating the libertarian and communist parties. Satisfying results appeared in print media before the next general election.

Nixon's fake media earns subsidies

From commie liberals to free-market communists, smearing in the looter press

Conscripts flowing into Southeast Asia meant coffins stuffed with young men who might otherwise have voted against the draft, religious sumptuary laws and foreign entanglements. Voter suppression was already a hardball racket back then, and rigged elections are still the norm. The suppression continues, of course, with millions kept from voting by grinding court cases and lengthy parole or probation terms over victimless plant leaves, stems, seeds and even roots!  For 46 years Republicans have called libertarians anarchist liberals while Democrats struggled to lump the LP in with Republicans, Dixiecrats, religious Juntas and nationalsocialists in general without once referring to the party platform or pledge endorsing non-aggression. So how is this working out?

We’re still here! Every bad law we cause cleptocracy looters to repeal is a victory for the voters. This is winning!

Need financial, legal, mining or political translations?

 

Libertarian platform word cloud

Word clouds are popular in the sound-byte blogosphere. After all, nobody who hasn’t read all 70,000-odd words of both looter kleptocracy platforms has a clue what those parties want. On the telescreen one sees only blurbs. The difference is like comparing a commercial selling a health insurance policy and the actual text of that same written policy. Here’s the Libertarian platform word cloud. 

The Libertarian Party platform is typically seven pages long and takes a half-hour to read or listen to. That’s twice the size of the Declaration of Independence. Still, apathy runs deep, so word clouds can provide more the injudicious more info about two parties than, say, political cartoons. At least word clouds are based on what the parties actually propose in writing. Free–as opposed to coerced–is visible, and there is clearly concern for freedom, liberty, individual rights. Peace is also there, as you’d expect from a party that is against aggression and seeks to legalize non-violence.

For comparison here is the word cloud for the lengthy platform published by Richard Nixon’s party.

The Republican platform is of course wordier and repeats must, will and state a lot. Public, by which they mean government, is there, along with support, which to them usually involves men with service pistols. Women are there, but mainly as targets for the service pistols. Amendment is something the Republicans have asked for ever since the Supreme Court used the first Libertarian platform as a draft for freeing women from forced labor. But I do not see it. The Amendment they want would reimpose the forced labor and put doctors in jail along with hippies, latinos, blacks and as many foreigners as can be arrested.

Here is the cloud for Bernie Sanders’ Democratic party. For some reason it came out bluish–in the Yellow Submarine sense of the word. This is my first time to use this software so I have no explanation.

The Dems are clearly into making you believe stuff, but I detect no global warming or carbon dioxide. They make it  clear you MUST work to support their health-insurance-at-gunpoint policies. Women are also here–as a pressure group for handouts rather than as free individuals or moving targets. At any rate, here you may compare image blurbs of platforms for the three leading parties–two old and shriveling and one young and growing.

Here’s hoping you will vote for your own freedom rather than to destroy someone else’s. By voting for freedom you are casting a leveraged lure that will cause looter politicians to repeal bad laws–kind of like the Invisible Hand that makes nations wealthy, and different from the Unproductive Hands that weaken and impoverish nations like so many parasites, weeds or bacteria.

If ever in need of translations of platforms, promises or other flim-flams, look us up.

My other blog is usually in a foreign language.

The Antichoice, then and now…

Romanian Communist Dictator via unanimous single-party “election”, tried and executed December 25th 1989:

NICOLAE CEAUȘESCU: I repeat: I am the president of Romania and the commander in chief of the Romanian army. I am the president of the people. I will not speak with you provocateurs anymore, and I will not speak with the organizers of the putsch and with the mercenaries. I have nothing to do with them.

Republican U.S. President, via campaign subsidized by Nixon Anti-Libertarian Law of 1971, quoted August 2018:

“I view it as an illegal investigation…There should never have been a special counsel.” —Trump on Mueller inquiry

Both politicians suppressed individual rights, especially of women, but were deified by fanatical cliques.

If you need a libertarian translator experienced in historical documents for the U.S., Central and South America, Angola, Mozambique, the Azores, do get in touch.

My other blog